ON THE MORALITY CULTIVATED BY COMMERCE
In 1997,
Condoleezza Rice, not yet America’s Secretary of State, was speaking to a
gathering about American foreign policy, and in the question period, she was
asked what principles would guide her foreign policy.
Without a moment’s hesitation, she responded, “Free markets.”
It’s worthwhile
expanding on the reason why she put so much weight on free markets.
It is a moral reason –moral in the sense of shaping human character.
I want to discuss the virtues that are generated by the commercial
exchange of services and goods in a free market.
Nothing I write
today will be new to you. I suspect
that I'm mostly preaching to the choir. As
Mark Twain quipped, "No one ever got converted at a Thursday night prayer
meeting" or (as he might have added) on the Class of ’54 website.
Still, it's important once in a while to take stock of our good fortune
and remark on the honor and miracle of what each of us has done with our lives.
In 1776, Adam
Smith looked down from his ivory tower and made sense of the seeming haggling in
the market place below him. His
explanations struck many of his readers as paradoxical, defying common sense.
Today, his paradoxes have grown in acceptance, but not so much that we
don’t need reminders of them. Let
me mention four of those paradoxes. I
call them the paradox of scarcity, the paradox of abundance, the paradox of
equality, and the paradox of freedom.
First, the
paradox of scarcity: the scarcer the
supply, the higher the price; the higher the price, the more is supplied.
In Smith’s time, it was conventional wisdom that the price of goods and
services was based upon the cost of producing them.
Even today, many people still think that there is a “just price” for
things (like gasoline). But that
seeming truth is just plain wrong. A
commodity’s price rises or falls, depending on its scarcity – on its supply
relative to demand for it.
High prices
attract new efforts to meet the needs of others.
For the entrepreneur, "a problem is nothing more than an opportunity
in work clothes,” as Henry Kaiser once said.
Someone else’s problem is a road to prosperity for any of us who
can help solve it. And so we get
good at stepping into the shoes of people who need help; we empathize with them,
seeing their troubles from their point-of-view.
Then we improve our skills so that we can assist them by inventing a
solution to fill their need: a gas-saving car, a better air-conditioning system
in their building, a cure for cancer. What,
in fact, we do in a commercial society is work constantly to improve our
abilities to make the lives of others better.
The paradox of scarcity, in short, develops two vitally important
virtues, empathy for others and the habit of continual self-improvement.
The second of our
paradoxes is the paradox of abundance:
the more resourceful our competitor, the
worse, but the more resourceful our customer, the better. Think
about it: As a general rule, I don’t envy the success of others, but (to the
contrary) am made happy by their prosperity because their success in their
chosen field enriches me. If I’m a
winemaker in California, I cheer when car sales rise in Detroit because a set of
my customers, wine-drinking auto engineers, are working and making money.
Because of their increased
buying power of my wines, I profit and experience an increase in my profits – my
buying power. Conversely, when
auto sales slump, alas, so do my wine sales; auto engineers start scrimping and
drinking tap water. My fortunes
decline when my customers suffer misfortune, and it is my sincerest wish that
they will get back on their feet.
The moral
consequence of the paradox of abundance is a huge increase in social good will.
Since most people are potential customers, not competitors, participants
in a commercial society are cheered by the successes of virtually everyone.
The third of our
paradoxes is the paradox of equality: people
hang out with others with whom they can be mutually useful.
Let me explain it in slightly more detail.
One might think
that in free markets persons with few skills or resources to exchange for
assistance would be ignored and left destitute.
Doubtless, in the past the needy sometimes were regarded as useless and
became invisible. But, in today’s commercial and social life, partly because
of the empathy generated by the habits of exchange, the more fortunate
frequently hold out a hand to those in great need.
Creditors extend repayment periods, negotiate their bills downward,
devise jobs for the least fortunate to do, and lend encouragement and training
in how they might improve themselves. We
tend to be patient even when a man has not lived up to his end of the bargain.
In short, we habitually act generously to turn others into good
customers.
More
interestingly, in a free market system the indebted person usually will want to
terminate his needy relationship as soon as he can to regain his self-respect.
The anthropologist Elliot Liebow spent years observing homeless men.
He became particularly interested in the ups and downs of the
affectionate relationships between a dozen unemployed vagrants and their
“nice,” attractive girlfriends. In
contrast to the men, the women held paying jobs and lived in clean, well-lit
apartments. Liebow was surprised
when the homeless men “broke off” these affairs against the wishes of their
attractive girlfriends. Then it
dawned on him that the men acted the way they did out of need to maintain their
self-respect. So pervasive in
American society is the notion of “giving fair weight”, so intertwined in
the definition of being worthwhile is the duty to reciprocate, that they were
ashamed at being over their heads in social indebtedness.
And so these homeless men walked out on the sweet deals their girlfriends
offered them and returned to their community of vagrants where they regained
what Liebow called a “sanctuary for those who can no longer endure the
experience or prospect of failure.”[i]
They retreated to less demanding relationships, where their jokes, their
scavenging, their patient listening and consolations were appreciated by their
peers. By voluntarily retreating to
a less demanding status, they transformed themselves from good-for-nothings to
good-for-somethings, able to reciprocate the lesser obligations they incurred.
At that level, by caring for others that they could assist, they
experienced success.
As a consequence
of this tendency to seek out a comfort level, people in commercial societies
tend to drift into separate but self-respecting communities.
Individuals of one set of abilities tend to withdraw willingly from
individuals with different sets or levels of talents; we cluster with
individuals more like us. Birds of a
feather flock together and begin feeling good about each other.
Within our distinctive communities (in the words of Garrison Keillor) we
all end up thinking we’re “above average.”
Self-esteem rises within the segment of society to which we assign
ourselves.
That is the
paradox of equality – in a society that lives by the ethic of reciprocity,
we seek
out those with whom we can make a fair exchange –.
And, finally, the
fourth paradox, the paradox of freedom:
liberty requires limits.
While most Americans observe the norm of reciprocity most of the time, it
is not fail-safe. In all of us the
obligation to give fair weight breaks down once in a while, and in a few of us
it breaks down much too often. We
take without paying back. Theft by
robbery is the classic instance of the refusal to reciprocate, but theft occurs
in many other forms, as well. When
individuals do not deliver on their promises, or create nuisances, or refuse to
pay their fair share of taxes for national defense, public safety, highways,
clean air, and universal education, they are taking without paying back.
When theft (in
whatever form) increases, free exchange is threatened, for theft erodes trust
and frightens persons into hiding their abundance of skills and products instead
of letting customers know about them. Exchange
depends on trust. With those who
lack internal restraints on the temptation to take something for nothing,
government has to use its police power: the patrol officer to threaten the
robber, the judge to threaten the promise-breaker, the regulator to threaten the
nuisance maker, the taxman to threaten the tax evader.
So liberty
requires limits.
Its moral consequence is personal honesty.
We can prosper and avoid the coercive restraints of the policeman, the
judge, the regulator, and the taxman by restraining ourselves.
In a commercial society we are rewarded for being honest by being left
alone by the restraints of government.
These are the
moral consequences of the four
paradoxes of the dynamic of reciprocity in a commercial society – the paradox
of scarcity makes us empathetic, inventive, and self-improving; the paradox of
abundance makes us supportive of our fellows and neutralizes envy; the paradox
of equality confers self-respect on all who try; and the paradox of freedom
rewards honesty and self-restraint. To put the same points negatively, free
markets neutralize four of mankind’s deadliest sins, sloth, detachment,
dishonesty, and (most importantly) envy.
If one were to
conceive of a utopia in the real world – a paradise not perfect, but as good
as it gets, it probably would look like a society that motivated the bulk of its
members to want to make themselves better so that they could help others.
A commercial society in which voluntary exchange
enables collaboration is precisely that utopia.
This country’s
founding fathers envisioned creating what they called a “commercial
republic” because they had this one central insight: a
free-market society motivated its members to improve themselves.
In a society where the good fortune of others multiplies our own, there
would be a material foundation to live by the golden rule – to do unto others
as we would have them do unto us.
Government has a
critical role in making free markets work. Besides
curtailing the liberty to swindle and steal, a skilled government maintains a
stable currency, the lubricant of exchange.
It collaborates as both supplier and customer in providing universal
education, national defense, and highways for hauling commerce.
It also remedies extreme differences in bargaining power with antitrust
and labor laws. It motivates private
charity and augments private generosity with public funds as “the charity of
last resort.”
But when
government carries out these essential tasks, the free marketplace is a superb
device for enabling collaboration. It
gives individuals the personal freedom to pursue their own purposes without
requiring the collective assent of others. It
enables individuals to get the precise assistance they need to accomplish their
purposes. It diminishes
government’s temptation to coerce by reducing our dependence on government.
And most importantly, it rewards service to others and, in doing so,
reinforces a morality that motivates self-improvement and becoming useful to
others, while discouraging laziness and envy.
The most important product of free markets is not that they make more
goods, but that they make more good people.
Not
a bad bottom line.
Now, we come back
to Condi Rice’s reply about a proper principle for America’s foreign policy.
Free markets are key to making people better and nations less aggressive.
The same holds true for American domestic policy.
Free markets work every day to transform each generation of Americans
into self-improving, self-respecting, and self-restraining adults. Free markets
enable Americans to be truly self-governing.
There is a wise
Chinese saying, “Governing a great nation is like cooking a small fish:
Don’t overdo it.” While it
might seem opportune to solve America’s problems – health, energy,
education, jobs, you name it – by replacing private markets with ambitious
government programs, I suggest we might want to weigh the moral costs of doing
so. And in assessing the various
candidates who seek our votes, we might want to pay attention to their awareness
of the foundations that have made – and keep on making – Americans a very
good people.
William K.
“Sandy” Muir
[i]
Elliot Liebow, Tally’s Corner: A
Study of Negro Streetcorner Men (Boston: Little Brown, 1960), p.167.
See also Robert E. Lane, Political Ideology (New York: Free Press, 1962), c.5, “The Fear of
Equality.”